Richard Hofstadter: Difference between revisions
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==Later work== | ==Later work== | ||
Hofstadter broke new historiographical ground by exploring sociological structures (perhaps influenced by his friend [[C. Wright Mills]]) and by probing unconscious psychological motives, including status anxieties | Hofstadter broke new historiographical ground by exploring sociological structures (perhaps influenced by his friend [[C. Wright Mills]]) and by probing unconscious psychological motives, including status anxieties and irrational hatreds in works such as ''The Age of Reform''. His later work continued these investigations, finally looking at paranoia as a political motivator. | ||
Although he directed over 100 Ph.D. dissertations in American history, he gave little advice to his graduate students. He rarely entered the archives himself and could not help his students with those sorts of methodological issues. He was an aloof teacher who read sections of his next book to undergraduate classes and was hard for graduate students to approach.<ref>Brown (2006), 66-71. </ref> | |||
In | In ''The Paranoid Style in American Politics'' and ''Anti-Intellectualism in American Life'', Hofstadter described American society as a whole as extremely provincial, harboring widespread fears of any ideas outside the mainstream. Hofstadter saw a direct lineage from the [[Salem witch trials]] in the 17th century to the [[McCarthyism]] of his era. The title essay of the "Paranoid Style" was first delivered as the Herbert Spencer Lecture at Oxford University in November 1963. | ||
In other works, Hofstadter described American politics as essentially irrationally motivated. In ''The Idea of a Party System'', Hofstadter described the origins of the [[First Party System]] in America as being driven by an irrational fear that one of the two major parties hoped to destroy the republic. From this, Hofstadter was developing a major three-volume history of American politics, but had only completed sketches of the first volume (posthumously published as ''America in 1750'') at his death in 1970. | |||
Following the 1960s radicalism on university campuses, including the radical sit-in and temporary closing of Columbia university in 1968, Hofstadter became more conservative in his views. His friend [[David Herbert Donald]] recalled, "he was appalled by the growing radical, even revolutionary sentiment that he sensed among his colleagues and his students. He could never share their simplistic, moralistic approach."<ref>Donald quoted in Brown (2006), 180.</ref> But others noted that, during and after the events of 1968, he invited his students in to talk with him about their political goals and strategies, and invited one of the radical students, Mike Wallace, to collaborate with him on a history of violence in the US. In the words of his student [[Eric Foner]], Hofstadter and Wallace's ''American Violence: A Documentary History'' "utterly contradicted the consensus vision of a nation placidly evolving without serious disagreements." ''American Violence'' was the last book Hofstadter published before he died in 1970. | |||
==Death== | ==Death== |
Revision as of 13:33, 21 January 2010
Richard Hofstadter (August 6, 1916–October 24, 1970) was an American historian of the U.S. at Columbia University. A Pulitzer Prize winning author and public intellectual, he was considered one of the leading historians of the Consensus School of American historiography.
Early Life
Hofstadter was born in Buffalo, New York, on August 6, 1916, to a Jewish immigrant father and a German American Lutheran mother. His mother died in 1926. Hofstadter attended Fosdick-Masten Park High School and the University of Buffalo.
While at Buffalo, he studied philosophy with the phenomenologist Marvin Farber and studied history with the progressive diplomatic historian Julius Pratt. During the Great Depression, Hofstadter, like so many other disillusioned liberals, got involved in left-wing politics. He joined the National Student League and met fellow radical Felice Swados, who he married in 1936. He was active in the NSL, precipitating campus strikes and writing anti-capitalist op-ed pieces for the campus newspaper.
In spite of majoring in philosophy, Hofstadter's senior thesis was titled "The Tariff and Homestead Issues in the Republican Campaign of 1860." He finished courses in 1936 and moved to New York City with Felice. He received his B.A. that winter after he began coursework at Columbia University.
At Columbia, he worked with Harry J. Carman as his thesis adviser. He completed the M.A. in 1938 and began doctoral studies. As a doctoral candidate he worked with Merle Curti who, Hofstadter remarked, more greatly influenced him and his career than any other person.[1]
Also at Columbia, Hofstadter joined the Young Communist League.
After taking a Ph.D. at Columbia he taught at the University of Maryland and at Columbia.
Marxist stage
In New York City after 1936, Hofstadter became more involved in Marxist circles, joining the Communist Party in 1938, though, in his words at the time, "I join without enthusiasm but with a sense of obligation... My fundamental reason for joining is that I don't like capitalism and want to get rid of it. I am tired of talking... The party is making a very profound contribution to the radicalization of the American people.... I prefer to go along with it now." By 1939, however, he had become disenchanted with the party and his participation began a steady decline; by the time of the Nazi-Soviet pact in September, 1939, he was thoroughly and permanently disillusioned with the Communist Party, the Soviet Union, and Marxism itself. He did not, however, change his views on capitalism: "I hate capitalism and everything that goes with it."[2]
Hofstadter was left with a deep sense of cynicism that pervaded his academic work and thought. In 1942, he received his Ph.D. from Columbia University. His dissertation was published in 1944 as Social Darwinism in American Thought, 1860-1915 and sold 200,000 copies. It was a Marxist critique of American capitalists of the late 19th century who, he argued, believed in a dog-eat-dog sort of ferocious competition endorsed by Social Darwinism as preached by William Graham Sumner. Later critics took issue with his evidence, arguing that very few businessmen were Social Darwinists and that many took positions supportive of philanthropy.[3]
Influence of Charles Beard
In the early and mid-1940s, Hofstadter was a disciple of Charles Beard, stating "Beard was really the exciting influence on me."[4]
The "consensus historians"
After 1945, Hofstadter broke with Beard and moved to the right, becoming associated with the "consensus historians". In 1946, he joined the Columbia faculty and became DeWitt Clinton Professor of American History in 1959. His most well-known and influential work, The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It, was published in 1948. It comprised a series of 12 biographical portraits of major political leaders from the 1770s to 1930s. Like all of his books, it was based primarily on reading and synthesizing secondary sources and published letters and speeches. It was a major success, as Pole (2000) explains, because it was "skeptical, fresh, revisionary, occasionally ironical, without being harsh or merely destructive." The chapters titles themselves were ironic and revisionist, pointing up the paradoxes inherent in the American political idiom — Thomas Jefferson was labeled "The Aristocrat as Democrat"; John C. Calhoun was "the Marx of the Master Class"; FDR was "The Patrician as Opportunist."
Hofstadter's work after 1945 represented the "consensus school" that flourished in the 1950s in reaction to Beard. Hofstadter explained that the generation of Beard and Vernon Parrington had
...put such an excessive emphasis on conflict that an antidote was needed.... It seems to me to be clear that a political society cannot hang together at all unless there is some kind of consensus running through it, and yet that no society has such a total consensus as to be devoid of significant conflict. It is all a matter of proportion and emphasis, which is terribly important in history. Of course, obviously, we have had one total failure of consensus which led to the Civil War. One could use that as the extreme case in which consensus breaks down.[5]
Later work
Hofstadter broke new historiographical ground by exploring sociological structures (perhaps influenced by his friend C. Wright Mills) and by probing unconscious psychological motives, including status anxieties and irrational hatreds in works such as The Age of Reform. His later work continued these investigations, finally looking at paranoia as a political motivator.
Although he directed over 100 Ph.D. dissertations in American history, he gave little advice to his graduate students. He rarely entered the archives himself and could not help his students with those sorts of methodological issues. He was an aloof teacher who read sections of his next book to undergraduate classes and was hard for graduate students to approach.[6]
In The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, Hofstadter described American society as a whole as extremely provincial, harboring widespread fears of any ideas outside the mainstream. Hofstadter saw a direct lineage from the Salem witch trials in the 17th century to the McCarthyism of his era. The title essay of the "Paranoid Style" was first delivered as the Herbert Spencer Lecture at Oxford University in November 1963.
In other works, Hofstadter described American politics as essentially irrationally motivated. In The Idea of a Party System, Hofstadter described the origins of the First Party System in America as being driven by an irrational fear that one of the two major parties hoped to destroy the republic. From this, Hofstadter was developing a major three-volume history of American politics, but had only completed sketches of the first volume (posthumously published as America in 1750) at his death in 1970.
Following the 1960s radicalism on university campuses, including the radical sit-in and temporary closing of Columbia university in 1968, Hofstadter became more conservative in his views. His friend David Herbert Donald recalled, "he was appalled by the growing radical, even revolutionary sentiment that he sensed among his colleagues and his students. He could never share their simplistic, moralistic approach."[7] But others noted that, during and after the events of 1968, he invited his students in to talk with him about their political goals and strategies, and invited one of the radical students, Mike Wallace, to collaborate with him on a history of violence in the US. In the words of his student Eric Foner, Hofstadter and Wallace's American Violence: A Documentary History "utterly contradicted the consensus vision of a nation placidly evolving without serious disagreements." American Violence was the last book Hofstadter published before he died in 1970.
Death
He died at the relatively young age of 54 from leukemia.
References
- ↑ David S. Brown, Richard Hofstadter: An Intellectual Biography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 22.
- ↑ Foner 1992
- ↑ Brown (2006) p. 30-37; Irwin G. Wylie, "Social Darwinism and the Businessmen", Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 103 (1959), pp. 629-35, showed that few businessmen believed in Social Darwinism. Robert C. Bannister. Social Darwinism: Science and Myth in Anglo-American Social Thought. (1989). Sumner had given up Social Darwinism by the early 1880s, a point Hofstadter de-emphasized by citing posthumous editions of Sumner's essays.
- ↑ Foner, 1992. Beard's conflict model taught that American history was the struggle of competing economic groups, primarily farmers, plantation slave-owners, industrialists, and workers. The clashing rhetoric of political leaders meant little, said Beard. Beard argued that historians should instead look for hidden self-interest and financial goals. Beard viewed the American Civil War as a transfer of political power from the Southern plantation elite to Northeastern capitalists; slavery was not especially important as a cause in his analysis.
- ↑ quoted in Pole 2000 p. 73-4
- ↑ Brown (2006), 66-71.
- ↑ Donald quoted in Brown (2006), 180.