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The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.
The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by [[Joseph de Maistre]] (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers.  The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.


Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable and gave it force. Marxists identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the the sans-culottes (the urban poor)<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html] /ref> , which permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history..  Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.
Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable and gave it force. Marxists identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the the sans-culottes (the urban poor)<ref>"1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [http://www.mtholyoke.edu/courses/rschwart/hist255/la/sans-culottes.html] </ref>, which permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history..  Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.


Since the 1980s historiographical perspectives have emphasized the global context of disturbances, riots, and revolts in Europe and the Americas--in the Atlantic world--in the late 18th century, with attention to similarities and differences.  
Since the 1980s historiographical perspectives have emphasized the global context of disturbances, riots, and revolts in Europe and the Americas--in the Atlantic world--in the late 18th century, with attention to similarities and differences.  

Revision as of 01:13, 12 September 2007

The French Revolution (1789-1799), was the revolutionary episode in France that deposed the king and the aristocracy, and included a period of terror, in which thousands were killed or driven into exile. Britain declared war in 1793, and by 1799 Napoleon, a hero and product of the Revolution, became dictator. Debates on the values and meaning of the Revolution have shaped French politics and political thought. The Revolution had a major role in spreading republicanism, the rights of man, and modernity to Europe and the world.

History

Origins

1789

Wars

Terror

Thermidor

Directory

The "Directory" was the government between November 1795 and November 1799.[1] It consisted of a Directory of five men, one of whom was replaced annually, and two representative assemblies, the Five Hundred and the Ancients. The assemblies were elected nationwide by property owners. The assemblies wielded legislative power, and the Directory executive power, but there was no device to resolve deadlocks between them.[2]

The Directory gave power to the more conservative forces remaining in France;[3] they had taken advantage of the enormous changes 1789-95, including the breakup or religious and aristocratic estates. The Directory continued the "Thermidorian reaction," which followed the fall of Maximilien Robespierre and the Jacobins in July 1794. The moderate middle-class republicans, mostly from the upper middle class favored the Directory because it ended the power of the royalists on the right and the Jacobin on the left. The Directory repeatedly used armed force and intimidation to stay in power, and thus depended on its generals, who gained popularity.

In foreign affairs the wars against Britain, Austria, Prussia, and for a time Russia were undertaken to protect France, expand its ideals, and acquire cash to pay army, which became more and more powerful in internal affairs. Conquests created a screen of six satellite republics set up in Holland, Switzerland, and Italy, and Bonaparte's seizure of Egypt. Prussia and Spain made peace, but Britain remained hostile and plans were drawn for an invasion. Instead Napoleon invaded Egypt.

In domestic affairs the era of the Directory was characterized by large-scale corruption. The revolution had demoralized public life, especially in Paris and the major cities. Profiteering in business, graft in politics and bureaucracy, extravagance in luxuries, and vulgarity in morals and manners, were the marks of the new regime. Public finances remained disorganized, as the nation could not raise enough taxes to pay its expenses. Inflation was rampant. In the private sector prosperity was returning, especially in the rural areas where most Frenchmen lived. One Director, Paul de Barras (1755-1829), who clung to power throughout the period, was a flamboyant, ruthlessly self-seeking man of immense greed and licentiousness. In total contrast was Lazare Carnot (1753-1823), the patriotic "organizer of victory," who served as a Director from 1795 until September 1797, and was largely responsible for the successes of the French army and of the Italian campaign in 1796-1797. Senior officials included the highly talented Joseph Fouché, minister of police, and the Comte de Talleyrand, minister of foreign affairs. The election as director of abbé Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès in May 1799 brought in a powerful intellectual who realized the system was doomed and resolved to overthrow it.

The Directory lost legitimacy by the series of coups it engineered to control elections. The coup of Fructidor (September 1797) against the royalists was followed by the coup of Floréal (May 1798) against the Jacobins, and then by that of Prairial (June 1799) against both. Repeated use of armed intimidation dismayed republicans, particularly army officers who believed in republican ideas. The coups paved the way for the overthrow of the regime by Napoleon in 1799.

The 18th Brumaire and the end of Revolution

Despite his military failures in Egypt, General Napoleon Bonaparte returned to a hero's welcome in 1799. In alliance with the director Sieyès and his brother, Lucien Bonaparte, president of the council of five hundred, he overthrew the Directory by a coup d'etat on November 9, 1799 ("the 18th Brumaire" according to the revolutionary calendar), and closed down the council of five hundred. Napoleon became "first consul" for ten years, with two consuls appointed by him who had consultative voices only. His power was confirmed by the new constitution ("Constitution of the year VIII"), originally devised by Sieyès to give Napoleon a minor role, but rewritten by Napoleon, and accepted by direct popular vote (3,000,000 in favor, 1,567 opposed). The constitution preserved the appearance of a republic but in reality established a military dictatorship. Historians usually date the end of the Revolution with the days of Brumaire, as it sounded the end of the short-lived French republic: there was no more representative government, assemblies, a collegial executive, or liberty.[4]


Impact on France

The soldiers of the 1790s became the heroes for future republicans, who admired the equality of all before the draft, the requirement to serve in person, the human qualities of flair, enthusiasm, generosity of spirit, and patriotism, as well as the upward mobility that could turn peasants into officers. The soldier was spared the denunciation heaped on one political faction or the other.[5]

Impact on World

Historiography

The arch-conservative Legitimist or "Bourbon" interpretation, typified by Joseph de Maistre (1753–1821) portrayed the French Revolution as an illegitimate, bloodthirsty usurpation of legitimate rulers. The Right in France rejected the Revolution and all its works. However, recent conservative historiography has argued that the Revolution accomplished only what was was already underway, and added little new except needless violence and hatreds.

Marxist historiography, which was dominant from the 1930s into the 1970s, argued that material economic factors made a revolution inevitable and gave it force. Marxists identify two stages, a liberal bourgeois revolution (1789) against the feudal landed aristocracy, followed by a second and more radical democratic revolution against the bourgeoisie led by the the sans-culottes (the urban poor)[6], which permanently radicalized France and was the foundation of the Left in French political history.. Marxists lament the counterrevolution of Thermidor and the coming to power of Napoleon.

Since the 1980s historiographical perspectives have emphasized the global context of disturbances, riots, and revolts in Europe and the Americas--in the Atlantic world--in the late 18th century, with attention to similarities and differences.

Instead of the old emphasis on Paris there has been much greater emphasis on regional and local conditions. Marxism has faded, and more conservative approached (typified by François Furet (1927-97)) have come to the fore. Modern revisionist historians tend to see the French Revolution as a haphazard event with random and largely unforeseen consequences, to the dismay of old Marxists like Eric Hobsbawm (1917- ).[7]


Multiple cultural and intellectual themes have displaced monocausal economic interpretations. Thus in dealing with the middle class, the Marxist inevitable-class-conflict model has given way. On the one hand there are cultural studies that emphasize the ways in which the middle class functions as a political and moral claim rather than a sociological entity. On the other hand microspcopic ethnographic studies examine the middle class in terms of daily cultural practices, focusing on the formation of class identity through family structure, consumer behavior, sociability, and sexuality.[8]


See also

Bibliography

  • Baker, Keith M. ed. The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture (Oxford, 1987-94) vol 1: The Political Culture of the Old Regime, ed. K.M. Baker (1987); vol. 2: The Political Culture of the French Revolution, ed. C. Lucas (1988); vol. 3: The Transformation of Political Culture, 1789-1848, eds. F. Furet & M. Ozouf (1989); vol. 4: The Terror, ed. K.M. Baker (1994).
  • Blanning, T.C.W. The French Revolutionary Wars 1787-1802 (1996).
  • Doyle, William. The Oxford History of the French Revolution (1989). online edition excerpt and online search from Amazon.com
  • Doyle, William. The French Revolution: A Very Short Introduction. (2001), 120pp; online edition
  • Englund, Steven. Napoleon: A Political Life. (2004). 575 pages; the best (and most advanced) political biography; thin on military
  • Fremont-Barnes, Gregory. ed. The Encyclopedia of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: A Political, Social, and Military History (ABC-CLIO: 3 vol 2006)
  • Furet, François. The French Revolution, 1770-1814 (1996)
  • Furet, François and Mona Ozouf, eds. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (1989), 1120pp; long essays by scholars; conservative perspective; stress on history of ideas excerpt and online search from Amazon.com
  • Griffith, Paddy. The Art of War of Revolutionary France 1789-1802, (1998); 304 pp;
  • Jones, Colin. The Longman Companion to the French Revolution (1989)
  • Jones, Colin.The Great Nation: France from Louis XV to Napoleon (2002)
  • Kates, Gary. The French Revolution (2nd ed. 2005), 308pp; essays by scholars; excerpts and online search from Amazon.com
  • Lefebvre, Georges. The French Revolution (2 vol 1957) classic Marxist synthesis. excerpt and online search from Amazon.com
  • Neely, Sylvia. A Concise History of the French Revolution (2008)
  • Palmer, Robert R. The Age of the Democratic Revolution: A Political History of Europe and America, 1760-1800. (2 vol 1959), highly influential comparative history; vol 1 online
  • Paxton, John. Companion to the French Revolution (1987), hundreds of short entries.
  • Rothenberg, Gunther E. "The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 18, No. 4, (Spring, 1988), pp. 771-793 in JSTOR
  • Rude, George F. and Harvey J. Kaye.Revolutionary Europe, 1783-1815 (2000), scholarly survey
  • Schroeder, Paul. The Transformation of European Politics, 1763-1848. 1996; Thorough coverage of diplomatic history; hostile to Napoleon; online edition
  • Schwab, Gail M., and John R. Jeanneney, eds. The French Revolution of 1789 and Its Impact (1995) online edition
  • Scott, Samuel F. and Barry Rothaus. Historical Dictionary of the French Revolution, 1789-1799 (2 vol 1984), short essays by scholars
  • Schama, Simon. Citizens. A Chronicle of the French Revolution (1989), highly readable narrative by scholar
  • Sutherland, D.M.G. France 1789–1815. Revolution and Counter-Revolution (1985)

External links


  1. The Directory is also called the Constitution of the Year III because it was instituted in the third year of the First French Republic.
  2. Jones, Great Nation (2002) ch 11
  3. Not including the royalists and aristocrats who had fled into exile.
  4. Furet (1996) p 212
  5. Alan Forrest, "L'armee De l'an II: La Levee en Masse et la Creation d'un Mythe Republicain." Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française 2004 (335): 111-130. Issn: 0003-4436
  6. "1789: The Fact and Fiction of the Sans-Culottes Movement" (2007) online at [1]
  7. E. J. Hobsbawm, "The Making of a 'Bourgeois Revolution'" Social Research 2004 71(3): 455-480. Issn: 0037-783x Fulltext: []Ebsco]]
  8. Carol E. Harrison, "The Bourgeois after the Bourgeois Revolution: Recent Approaches to the Middle Class in European Cities." Journal of Urban History 2005 31(3): 382-392. Issn: 0096-1442 Fulltext: in Ebsco