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== '''Arab Spring''' ==
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''by [[User:Nick Gardner|Nick Gardner]]''
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----The term '''Arab Spring''' (also known  as the "Arab Awakening") refers to the sequence of protest movements that started  [[/Addendum#Tunisia|in Tunisia]] in December 2010. The  protests there, and subsequently  in other Arab countries, were  intended to put an end to  government oppression, corruption and incompetence. They have led to the overthrow of existing regimes [[/Addendum#Egypt|in Egypt]] and [[/Addendum#Libya| in Libya]] as well as in Tunisia, and to the initiation in those countries of transitional plans that include the election of representative assemblies and the adoption of new constitutions. Major protest movements [[/Addendum#Syria|in Syria]] and [[/Addendum#Yemen|in Yemen]]  have so far been frustrated by governmental violence, and protest movements elsewhere in the Arab world have achieved little more than promises of minor reforms.
==Footnotes==
 
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==Background: the Arab condition==
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The political structures of nearly all of the countries involved in the Arab uprisings have  been categorised as authoritarian (with Syria, Libya and Saudi Arabia ranking among the 15 least democratic countries), and the governments of five of them have been categorised as exceptionally corrupt (Morocco, Egypt, Algeria, Libya and Yemen appear among the upper half  in the ranking of Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index). Their populations are predominately ethnically Arab with small native [[Berber]] minorities. They include two mixed [[oil]] economies (Algeria and Libya); three oil economies (Bahrain, Oman and Saudi Arabia); six diversified economies (Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, Syria and Tunisia); and  one primary export economy (Yemen). The oil-producing countries of [[Oman]], Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Libya are among the world's more prosperous countries, but the prosperity of each of the others is below, or well below the world average in terms of [[GDP]] per head, with Syria ranking 153rd out of a total of 228. At least 19% of the Arab population lived below the [[poverty line]] at the end of the 1990s (according to an estimate based upon data from Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Tunisia and Yemen.
 
==The development of national protest movements==
Protesters [[/Addendum#Tunisia|in Tunisia]] and [[/Addendum#Egypt|in Egypt]] succeeded within a few months in ousting their governments, and  regime change was achieved in Libya after eight months of [[/Addendum#Civil war in Libya|civil war]].  The governments of Morocco, Algeria, Jordan and Oman responded to more limited protests with  promises of political and constitutional reform. [[/Addendum#Saudi Arabia|In Saudi Arabia]] the administration sought to avoid confrontation by a  programme of infrastructure investment, and its forces were used to suppress dissent [[/Addendum#Bahrain|in Bahrain]]. Political instability in Lebanon  inhibited  governmental response to demonstrations for constitutional change. [[/Addendum#Yemen|In Yemen]] and [[/Addendum#Syria|in Syria]], continuing protests were frustrated by  violent military opposition.
 
The processes of creating democratically-elected governments now dominate the situations in Tunisia and Libya, and in Egypt they are being accompanied by sporadic demonstrations against the behaviour of its transitional military government. The transitional process in Libya  may be hampered by  the need to disarm its local militias. The undeterred vigour of the protest movements in Syria and Yemen suggests a continuing prospect of democratic transition. Elswhere in the Arab Spring countries, the prospects  appear to be limited to partial relaxations of authoritarian governance.
 
''[[Arab Spring|.... (read more)]]''

Latest revision as of 10:19, 11 September 2020

Nuclear weapons proliferation is one of the four big issues that have held back worldwide deployment of peaceful nuclear power. This article will address the proliferation questions raised in Nuclear power reconsidered.

As of 2022, countries with nuclear weapons have followed one or both of two paths in producing fissile materials for nuclear weapons: enrichment of uranium to very high fractions of U-235, or extraction of fissile plutonium (Pu-239) from irradiated uranium nuclear reactor fuel. The US forged the way on both paths during its World War II Manhattan Project. The fundamental aspects of both paths are well understood, but both are technically challenging. Even relatively poor countries can be successful if they have sufficient motivation, financial investment, and, in some cases, direct or illicit assistance from more technologically advanced countries.

The International Non-proliferation Regime

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has a vigorous program to prevent additional countries from acquiring nuclear weapons. The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) is the cornerstone arrangement under which strategic rivals can trust, by independent international verification, that their rivals are not developing a nuclear weapons threat. The large expense of weapons programs makes it very unlikely that a country would start its own nuclear weapons program, if it knows that its rivals are not so engaged. With some notable and worrying exceptions, this program has been largely successful.

Paths to the Bomb

It is frequently claimed that building a civil nuclear power program adds to the weapons proliferation risk. There is an overlap in the two distinct technologies, after all. To build a bomb, one needs Highly Enriched Uranium (HEU) or weapons-grade plutonium (Pu-239). Existing reactors running on Low Enriched Uranium (LEU, under 5% U-235) or advanced reactors running on High Assay LEU (HALEU,up to 20% U-235) use the same technology that can enrich uranium to very high levels, but configured differently. Enrichment levels and centrifuge configurations can be monitored using remote cameras, on-site inspections, and installed instrumentation -- hence the value of international inspections by the IAEA. Using commercial power reactors as a weapons plutonium source is an extremely ineffective, slow, expensive, and easily detectable way to produce Pu. Besides the nuclear physics issues, refueling pressurized water reactors is both time-consuming and obvious to outside observers. That is why the US and other countries developed specialized Pu production reactors and/or uranium enrichment to produce fissile cores for nuclear weapons.

Future Threats and Barriers

Minimizing the risk of future proliferation in states that want to buy nuclear reactors or fuel might require one or more barriers:
1) Insisting on full transparency for all nuclear activities in buyer states, including monitoring and inspections by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
2) Limiting fuel processing to just a few supplier states that already have weapons or are approved by the IAEA.
3) Ensuring that fuel at any stage after initial fabrication has an isotopic composition unsuitable for weapons. "Spiking" the initial fuel with non-fissile isotopes, if necessary.
4) Limiting the types of reactors deployed to buyer states. In general, breeders are less secure than burners. Sealed reactor modules are more secure than reactors with on-site fuel processing.
5) Providing incentives and assurances for buyer states to go along with all of the above.
6) Application of diplomatic pressure, sanctions, and other economic measures to non-compliant states.
7) Agreement that any reactor declared rogue by the IAEA will be "fair game" for any state feeling threatened.

Footnotes