Federal Emergency Relief Administration: Difference between revisions

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Faced with continued high unemployment and concerns for public welfare during the coming winter of 1933-34, FERA instituted the [[Civil Works Administration]] (CWA) as a $400 million short-term measure to get people to work. The Federal Emergency Relief Administration was terminated in 1935 and its work taken over by two entirely federal agencies, the [[WPA]] and the [[Social Security Administration|Social Security Board]].
Faced with continued high unemployment and concerns for public welfare during the coming winter of 1933-34, FERA instituted the [[Civil Works Administration]] (CWA) as a $400 million short-term measure to get people to work. The Federal Emergency Relief Administration was terminated in 1935 and its work taken over by two entirely federal agencies, the [[WPA]] and the [[Social Security Administration|Social Security Board]].
==Projects==
FERA operated a wide variety of work relief projects, including included construction, projects for professionals (e.g., writers, artists, actors, and musicians), and production of consumer goods. The construction and professional projects elicited criticisms of "make-work," i.e., that little of value was produced. In contrast, the output of the consumer goods production projects was clearly useful, as canned food, garments, mattresses, bedding, and other goods were produced and then distributed to relief recipients. But these projects, termed production-for-use by FERA administrators, came under fire from capitalists for competing with the private sector. As a result, production-for-use projects that capitalists found offensive were terminated by the time the WPA began in late 1935, and no such government production of consumer goods has been repeated since.<ref>Nancy E. Rose, "Production-for-use or Production-for-profit?: the Contradictions of Consumer Goods Production in 1930s Work Relief." ''Review of Radical Political Economics'' 1988 20(1): 46-61. Issn: 0486-6134  </ref>
==State and local studies==
==State and local studies==
===Oklahoma===
Mullins (1999) examines the hesitant relief efforts of Oklahoma City residents during the early years of the depression, 1930-35, under Governor William F. Murray, emphasizing the community's reluctance to comply with FERA rules. Fearing that aid recipients would become dependent on their assistance, Oklahoma City administrators sparingly doled out federal and local relief funds; city leaders initiated a campaign to discourage migration into the city; local newspapers failed to print the location of soup lines; voters rejected a bond issue to bolster relief funds; and the city council declined to increase taxes to boost its depression relief budget.  At issue was the control over FERA distribution imposed by Governor Murray, and lawmakers' reluctance to meet federal funding match assessments, despite a budget surplus in Oklahoma City and sufficient state funds to reduce property taxes. Although he criticized the welfare bureaucracy, Murray championed the state's yeoman farmers and took credit for the food, seed, and books that they received from federal funds. New Deal administrators ultimately removed Murray from his oversight role, charging corruption in aid distribution, failure to meet employment quotas, and the inability to determine local funding needs.<ref>William H. Mullins, "In the midst of Adversity: the City, the Governor, and the FERA,” ''Chronicles of Oklahoma'' (1999)  76(4): 374-391 and 77(1): 54-73. Issn: 0009-6024  </ref>
Mullins (1999) examines the hesitant relief efforts of Oklahoma City residents during the early years of the depression, 1930-35, under Governor William F. Murray, emphasizing the community's reluctance to comply with FERA rules. Fearing that aid recipients would become dependent on their assistance, Oklahoma City administrators sparingly doled out federal and local relief funds; city leaders initiated a campaign to discourage migration into the city; local newspapers failed to print the location of soup lines; voters rejected a bond issue to bolster relief funds; and the city council declined to increase taxes to boost its depression relief budget.  At issue was the control over FERA distribution imposed by Governor Murray, and lawmakers' reluctance to meet federal funding match assessments, despite a budget surplus in Oklahoma City and sufficient state funds to reduce property taxes. Although he criticized the welfare bureaucracy, Murray championed the state's yeoman farmers and took credit for the food, seed, and books that they received from federal funds. New Deal administrators ultimately removed Murray from his oversight role, charging corruption in aid distribution, failure to meet employment quotas, and the inability to determine local funding needs.<ref>William H. Mullins, "In the midst of Adversity: the City, the Governor, and the FERA,” ''Chronicles of Oklahoma'' (1999)  76(4): 374-391 and 77(1): 54-73. Issn: 0009-6024  </ref>
 
===Nebraska===
In Nebraska Democratic Governor Charles W. Bryan (brother of [[William Jennings bryan]] and the party's Vice President nominee in 1924) was at first unwilling to request aid from the Hoover administration. When Roosevelt's FERA became law in 1933 Nebraska took part. Rowland Haynes, the state's emergency relief director, was the major force in implementing such national programs as the FERA and CWA. Robert L. Cochran, who became governor in 1935, was a "cautious progressive" who sought federal assistance and placed Nebraska among the first American states to adopt a social security law. The enduring impact of FERA and social security in Nebraska was to shift responsibility for social welfare from counties to the state, which henceforth accepted federal funding and guidelines. The change in state and national relations may have been the most important legacy of these New Deal programs in Nebraska.<ref> Mary Cochran Grimes, "From Emergency Relief to Social Security in Nebraska." ''Nebraska History'' 1990 71(3): 126-141. Issn: 0028-1859 </ref>
In Nebraska Democratic Governor Charles W. Bryan (brother of [[William Jennings bryan]] and the party's Vice President nominee in 1924) was at first unwilling to request aid from the Hoover administration. When Roosevelt's FERA became law in 1933 Nebraska took part. Rowland Haynes, the state's emergency relief director, was the major force in implementing such national programs as the FERA and CWA. Robert L. Cochran, who became governor in 1935, was a "cautious progressive" who sought federal assistance and placed Nebraska among the first American states to adopt a social security law. The enduring impact of FERA and social security in Nebraska was to shift responsibility for social welfare from counties to the state, which henceforth accepted federal funding and guidelines. The change in state and national relations may have been the most important legacy of these New Deal programs in Nebraska.<ref> Mary Cochran Grimes, "From Emergency Relief to Social Security in Nebraska." ''Nebraska History'' 1990 71(3): 126-141. Issn: 0028-1859 </ref>


 
===Tenant farmers===
===Rural relief===
FERA made welfare payments to Southern tenant farmers 1933-35, with the distribution of money across states and counties was strongly influenced by state governments and the influential planter class. Their interests rested mainly in not allowing federal welfare to undermine their authority and the economic structure that favored landowners. Tenant farmers, however, exerted significant counterpressure by organizing the Southern Tenant Farmers' Union and the Alabama Sharecroppers Union under the auspices of the Socialist Party and the Communist Party. The unions agitated for welfare assistance, and their events and campaigns drew national publicity. While tenant farmers remained terribly disadvantaged politically, their collective efforts improved matters substantially in areas where their organizations were strongest.<ref> Caleb Southworth, "Aid to Sharecroppers: How Agrarian Class Structure and Tenant-farmer Politics Influenced Federal Relief in the South, 1933-1935." ''Social Science History'' 2002 26(1): 33-70. Issn: 0145-5532 Fulltext: [Project Muse]]</ref>
FERA made welfare payments to Southern tenant farmers 1933-35, with the distribution of money across states and counties was strongly influenced by state governments and the influential planter class. Their interests rested mainly in not allowing federal welfare to undermine their authority and the economic structure that favored landowners. Tenant farmers, however, exerted significant counterpressure by organizing the Southern Tenant Farmers' Union and the Alabama Sharecroppers Union under the auspices of the Socialist Party and the Communist Party. The unions agitated for welfare assistance, and their events and campaigns drew national publicity. While tenant farmers remained terribly disadvantaged politically, their collective efforts improved matters substantially in areas where their organizations were strongest.<ref> Caleb Southworth, "Aid to Sharecroppers: How Agrarian Class Structure and Tenant-farmer Politics Influenced Federal Relief in the South, 1933-1935." ''Social Science History'' 2002 26(1): 33-70. Issn: 0145-5532 Fulltext: [Project Muse]]</ref>
===Key West===
Julius Stone, Jr., changed the economic direction of Key West, Florida, when he was the director of the southeast region of FERA. In 1934, Key West went bankrupt and state turned the city over to the FERA in a dubious constitutional move. Within two years, Stone had reversed the economic disaster and successfully moved the city into tourism.<ref> Garry Boulard, "'State of Emergency': Key West in the Great Depression." ''Florida Historical Quarterly'' 1988 67(2): 166-183. Issn: 0015-4113 Fulltext: [http://fulltext10.fcla.edu/DLData/SN/SN00154113/0067_002/67no2.pdf online] </ref>


==Bibliography==
==Bibliography==
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* Charles, Searle F. ''Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression'' (1963)
* Charles, Searle F. ''Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression'' (1963)
* Hopkins, June. "The road not taken: Harry Hopkins and New Deal Work Relief." ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 29, 2(306-316). [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001263853 online edition]
* Hopkins, June. "The road not taken: Harry Hopkins and New Deal Work Relief." ''Presidential Studies Quarterly'' 29, 2(306-316). [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=5001263853 online edition]
* Meriam; Lewis. ''Relief and Social Security'' The Brookings Institution. (1946). Highly detailed analysis and statistical summary of all New Deal relief programs; 900 pages
* Meriam; Lewis. ''Relief and Social Security'' The Brookings Institution. (1946). Highly detailed analysis and statistical summary of all New Deal relief programs; 900 pages [http://www.questia.com/library/book/relief-and-social-security-by-lewis-meriam.jsp online edition]
[http://www.questia.com/library/book/relief-and-social-security-by-lewis-meriam.jsp online edition]
* Mertz, Paul. ''New Deal Policy and Southern Rural Poverty.'' (1978)  
* Mertz, Paul. ''New Deal Policy and Southern Rural Poverty.'' (1978)  
* Sautter, Udo. ''Three Cheers for the Unemployed: Government and Unemployment before the New Deal'' (1992) [http://www.amazon.com/Three-Cheers-Unemployed-Government-Unemployment/dp/0521533279/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1196505035&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]
* Sautter, Udo. ''Three Cheers for the Unemployed: Government and Unemployment before the New Deal'' (1992) [http://www.amazon.com/Three-Cheers-Unemployed-Government-Unemployment/dp/0521533279/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1196505035&sr=8-1 excerpt and text search]

Revision as of 05:53, 1 December 2007

Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) was the new name given by the Roosevelt Administration to the "Emergency Relief Administration" set up by Herbert Hoover in 1932. It was established as a result of the Federal Emergency Relief Act and was replaced in 1935 by the WPA.

ERA under Hoover gave loans to the states to operate relief programs. FERA, started in May 1933, gave grants to the states for the same purpose. The Federal Emergency Relief Act was the first relief operation under the New Deal, and was headed by Harry L. Hopkins, a New York social worker who was one of Franklin D. Roosevelt's most influential advisers. Hopkins was a believer in relief efforts that emphasized work.

FERA's main goal was alleviating household unemployment by creating new unskilled jobs in local and state government. From May 1933 until it closed in December, 1935, FERA gave states and localities $3.1 billion. FERA provided work for over 20 million people and developed facilities on public lands across the country.

Faced with continued high unemployment and concerns for public welfare during the coming winter of 1933-34, FERA instituted the Civil Works Administration (CWA) as a $400 million short-term measure to get people to work. The Federal Emergency Relief Administration was terminated in 1935 and its work taken over by two entirely federal agencies, the WPA and the Social Security Board.

Projects

FERA operated a wide variety of work relief projects, including included construction, projects for professionals (e.g., writers, artists, actors, and musicians), and production of consumer goods. The construction and professional projects elicited criticisms of "make-work," i.e., that little of value was produced. In contrast, the output of the consumer goods production projects was clearly useful, as canned food, garments, mattresses, bedding, and other goods were produced and then distributed to relief recipients. But these projects, termed production-for-use by FERA administrators, came under fire from capitalists for competing with the private sector. As a result, production-for-use projects that capitalists found offensive were terminated by the time the WPA began in late 1935, and no such government production of consumer goods has been repeated since.[1]

State and local studies

Oklahoma

Mullins (1999) examines the hesitant relief efforts of Oklahoma City residents during the early years of the depression, 1930-35, under Governor William F. Murray, emphasizing the community's reluctance to comply with FERA rules. Fearing that aid recipients would become dependent on their assistance, Oklahoma City administrators sparingly doled out federal and local relief funds; city leaders initiated a campaign to discourage migration into the city; local newspapers failed to print the location of soup lines; voters rejected a bond issue to bolster relief funds; and the city council declined to increase taxes to boost its depression relief budget. At issue was the control over FERA distribution imposed by Governor Murray, and lawmakers' reluctance to meet federal funding match assessments, despite a budget surplus in Oklahoma City and sufficient state funds to reduce property taxes. Although he criticized the welfare bureaucracy, Murray championed the state's yeoman farmers and took credit for the food, seed, and books that they received from federal funds. New Deal administrators ultimately removed Murray from his oversight role, charging corruption in aid distribution, failure to meet employment quotas, and the inability to determine local funding needs.[2]

Nebraska

In Nebraska Democratic Governor Charles W. Bryan (brother of William Jennings bryan and the party's Vice President nominee in 1924) was at first unwilling to request aid from the Hoover administration. When Roosevelt's FERA became law in 1933 Nebraska took part. Rowland Haynes, the state's emergency relief director, was the major force in implementing such national programs as the FERA and CWA. Robert L. Cochran, who became governor in 1935, was a "cautious progressive" who sought federal assistance and placed Nebraska among the first American states to adopt a social security law. The enduring impact of FERA and social security in Nebraska was to shift responsibility for social welfare from counties to the state, which henceforth accepted federal funding and guidelines. The change in state and national relations may have been the most important legacy of these New Deal programs in Nebraska.[3]

Tenant farmers

FERA made welfare payments to Southern tenant farmers 1933-35, with the distribution of money across states and counties was strongly influenced by state governments and the influential planter class. Their interests rested mainly in not allowing federal welfare to undermine their authority and the economic structure that favored landowners. Tenant farmers, however, exerted significant counterpressure by organizing the Southern Tenant Farmers' Union and the Alabama Sharecroppers Union under the auspices of the Socialist Party and the Communist Party. The unions agitated for welfare assistance, and their events and campaigns drew national publicity. While tenant farmers remained terribly disadvantaged politically, their collective efforts improved matters substantially in areas where their organizations were strongest.[4]

Key West

Julius Stone, Jr., changed the economic direction of Key West, Florida, when he was the director of the southeast region of FERA. In 1934, Key West went bankrupt and state turned the city over to the FERA in a dubious constitutional move. Within two years, Stone had reversed the economic disaster and successfully moved the city into tourism.[5]

Bibliography

  • Bremer William W. "Along the American Way: The New Deal's Work Relief Programs for the Unemployed." Journal of American History 62 (December 1975): 636-652. online at JSTOR
  • Brock William R. Welfare, Democracy and the New Deal (1988), a British view
  • Charles, Searle F. Minister of Relief: Harry Hopkins and the Depression (1963)
  • Hopkins, June. "The road not taken: Harry Hopkins and New Deal Work Relief." Presidential Studies Quarterly 29, 2(306-316). online edition
  • Meriam; Lewis. Relief and Social Security The Brookings Institution. (1946). Highly detailed analysis and statistical summary of all New Deal relief programs; 900 pages online edition
  • Mertz, Paul. New Deal Policy and Southern Rural Poverty. (1978)
  • Sautter, Udo. Three Cheers for the Unemployed: Government and Unemployment before the New Deal (1992) excerpt and text search
  • Singleton, Jeff. The American Dole: Unemployment Relief and the Welfare State in the Great Depression (2000) excerpt and text search
  • Sternsher, Bernard. Rexford Tugwell and the New Deal (1964) online edition
  • Venkataramani, M. S. "Norman Thomas, Arkansas sharecroppers, and the Roosevelt agricultural policies, 1933–1937." Mississippi Valley Historical Review (1960) 47: 225–46. in JSTOR
  • Williams; Edward Ainsworth Federal Aid for Relief (1939) online edition


Primary sources

  • Hopkins, Harry L. Spending to save: the complete story of relief. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1936.
  • Kirk, J.S. ed.Emergency Relief in North Carolina a Record of the Development and the Activities of the North Carolina Emergency Relief Administration 1932-1935 (1936) 544pp; complete text online

External links

Notes

  1. ↑ Nancy E. Rose, "Production-for-use or Production-for-profit?: the Contradictions of Consumer Goods Production in 1930s Work Relief." Review of Radical Political Economics 1988 20(1): 46-61. Issn: 0486-6134
  2. ↑ William H. Mullins, "In the midst of Adversity: the City, the Governor, and the FERA,” Chronicles of Oklahoma (1999) 76(4): 374-391 and 77(1): 54-73. Issn: 0009-6024
  3. ↑ Mary Cochran Grimes, "From Emergency Relief to Social Security in Nebraska." Nebraska History 1990 71(3): 126-141. Issn: 0028-1859
  4. ↑ Caleb Southworth, "Aid to Sharecroppers: How Agrarian Class Structure and Tenant-farmer Politics Influenced Federal Relief in the South, 1933-1935." Social Science History 2002 26(1): 33-70. Issn: 0145-5532 Fulltext: [Project Muse]]
  5. ↑ Garry Boulard, "'State of Emergency': Key West in the Great Depression." Florida Historical Quarterly 1988 67(2): 166-183. Issn: 0015-4113 Fulltext: online
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